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A closing chapter (2)

We need to address them as some weary any future endeavour to take a positive dialogue to synchronise state and culture, the constitution et al. The idea is not to dilute but in making each strong, we do not, pursuant to reconstruct, rush into bullying or harass a system that is complex (our very ethos or last succour) mixed up in its own and externally with for ex­ample, a constitution that can be re-written to suit. The Elders say that ‘praise is comely’.

The rarest occurrence relative to the campaign as it warms is the modicum of civility in the choice of words, except the fringe. It is not a self-deception to hope that it augurs that there will be debating, not a tirade of verbal jostling, as used to be. But these are early days yet; and it is a generational movement Our politics could be maturing out­side of the treatment meted out to NAPO, the running mate on the NPP’s ticket. There are two strands so far: [i] the trending started in the wasteful wrangling about Founder’s Day. I think the political futility to attempt to re-write our history, got home quietly. I am not claiming history cannot be re-scripted futurely. But it takes a lot to undo the past.

The second marker rests in that event. I suspect the third which predates the two, is the newly na­tional mood—distrusting prom­ises, is a familiar street-talk today. But in blaming politics, the public should self-advise that we are inextricable part of the perverts that we have become—back to “quasi-Kalabule” which former Leader Col then, described per­haps disapprovingly “Ghana no, siesiera oyi twa no nyonko kakra; na ononso ekotwa obi so kakra; na yereko saa aaaaaaaaah”—‘our situation is we have to cheat each others to survive’.

Therefore, Politicians will have to sandwich their pledges with educating whom they canvass for their credibility, restored. But the public must also note their share. Again, I should trace the beginning which has led to entrenched camps. The division dates back to the founding of the CPP 12 June 1949 and the later the amalgam of splinters—the United Party, 1956. Thus, the new existence of two antagonis­tic political parties, arising from war of secession and electoral defeats by the CPP,1951, 1954 and 1956.

The force of that divide unlike hatred today, had partly been rehearsed from 1922 at the Leg­islative Assembly. At that time there was a paucity of rich—a group of scholar-literati profes­sional leaders, educated Chiefs and non-so schooled, called the “Intelligentsia”. A rivalry ensued between Chiefs and the Intelligentsia. It was significantly about which group had the right to represent the Gold Coast to present the Colony’s demand of the Colony. The petition asked that the Colony shall be includ­ed-consulted in governance-de­cisions, affecting the Gold Coast affairs. A compromise was achieved to send a combination. The delegation returned emp­ty-handed. Hitherto, the Chiefs had held unchallenged power and revered as Leaders. Their respect faded. The ARPS had become a discount.

I cannot speculate reasons to explain. But it seems from the stalemate of the Aborigines Rights Protection Society [ARPS, founded 1897] going back during the years, moribund since into the death 10 June 1930 of John Kofi Mensah Sarbah and the rump were feuding, reconciled by Paa Grant, advisedly by great Kobina Sakyi after urged by his Sekondi Lawyer friends Awoonor Williams and R.S. Blay before he proceeded to solo-finance to launch his United Gold Coast Convention [UGCC] August 4 1947. The other possible cause celebre was Chiefs and sections of youthful country, were in a state of simmering dissent of the Bond of 1844 as a sell out. Some Chiefs among the Chiefs who signed the Bond reportedly supported kicking against the “Bond” which survived until shaken by the UGCC.

However, the key to validate the presumed disenchantment with the Chiefs lies in interpret­ing Paa’s reference. Clearly there was a hiatus between the country and their leaders, the Chiefs as Paa Grant in his augural speech inferred saying apparently to placate: ‘’I will be surprised if anyone said to me that the Chiefs are not with us.’’ The last straw that might have broken the cam­el’s back was the Representation coming home with really nothing of substance. Politics of the country was ascending to zenith. The CPP harvested the swell of disappointment and the follow throughs—Boycott, strikes and the tragedy of the Trio led by Sgt Adjetey. Trusting Dr Kwame Nkrumah was obvious and the leader who will deliver. The la­belling of begun: the CPP garbed as “Veranda Boys”.

By the way and for the record the battle at Legislative Assembly for the make up of the Represen­tation was led by Nana Sir Ofori Atta I and J.E.Casely-Hayford for respectively Chiefs and Intelli­gentsia. That pushed Chiefs into the arms of the Intelligen­tsia into, incipiently said to have joined “THE HAVES” bundled with colonial Britain. Curiously, DrJ.B.Danquah, had though had described the Chiefs as “Lack­eys” of a foreign ruler, speaking at the UGCC’s inauguration.

Another crack in the fabric of national unity occurred subse­quently; and resulted in first, CPP Chiefs, and DOMO Chiefs as Prof K.A. Busia’s Progress Party [PP] Government [the Second Republic] retaliated to ‘’recog­nise’’ Chiefs who supported him. What made that possible was the Gazetting of Chiefs, instituted by British colonialism. Recently the standing of Chiefs for constitu­tional leaders, added its unheard rhetoric and unseen or realised conflict and its impact for good or bad. Therefore, political meddling with Chiefs signposts aberration. Each appears to be holden to another is a circus when it suits either, or is consid­erable, though the constitution tries to make them disparate. It is a paper Tiger because of a cultural norm which is breached under different excuse—‘courte­sy calls’’.

Altogether politics interfer­ing with Royalty from the start shortly after independence for [i] give credence in somewhat witch-hunt-to oust the Chiefs who did not support the CPP; and [ii] for ‘’Chiefs to run away and leave their sandals behind’’ (K.A. Gbedemah and not Nkrumah originally) . Political interference with Chieftaincy left the institu­tion destitute, kind of and us the poorer to begin to disrespect it, distancing ourselves adding to the pre-UGCC alienation, which Paa Grant parried, but politically for myriads of reasons (poverty and neglect, to specify few), carved its aggravated sourness in the polity, extant.– a dance macabre.

The courts and the Judiciary Department of the National House of Chiefs grapple with unresolved litigation for years about legitimacy between existing Kingmakers and the politically made or imposed—Stools and Skins. These cues provide the readings to finding roots of this country’s divisiveness and present split because alleged Usurpers and deemed Rightfuls made mistakes aligning with this or that political parties for succour. There are other causes, most seriously, the Ashanti secession bid which involved the might of Manhyia and the Golden stool. Not many in the country and to date, knew that it strength­ened the closeness of friendship between President Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah and Nana Sir Osei Agyeman Prempeh II.

We have come longest way thereafter in our politics of no consensus, generally disheart­ening as I battle with doubting a suspicion that a Party X is rumoured doing the damnedest to rig “December 2024”. Ghana has been a message to the world. It is a stuck. Domestically, we have gone austerely celibate debating about anything–facts and indeed truths. It looks like we appear unable to dismiss the divisiveness—separate narrow parochialism but would grad­ually cease from ‘’me alone’’, advocating the broad national interests; but above all, hope we will neither war nor from dogged ‘’my party is right’’ preferring placing country ahead, oper­ating a non-partisan national programmed of development compelling every succeeding governments to process and ac­count at the end of term. This is controversial but does away with disappointed pre-election pledges and wasteful abandonments of projects and promotes continuity.

Posterity will smile to close another chapter in our narrative post-independence 1957 as the grey headed men joyously stroke their beards and or even forget­fully scratch bald heads with the elder women dancing holding gathered sagged breasts, cupped swinging in celebrating.

By Prof Nana Essilfie-Con­duah.

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