A closing chapter
It is inevitable that there will be many writings—books, sparked commentaries and perhaps unending series of post-mortem discourses on the current regime when a declaration is made after the country elected the next in December. It seems some scripts have begun publications. They all mean well- — whichever the shockwaves, praises and or condemnations which each presents which they prioritise with their versions of theirs among undoubtedly crowded historical accounts.
But there would be, as there are: (i) a near consensus that it was an era this country was regularly put on edge, traumatised constantly or outraged with reported scams. Conclusively, entrenched partisan politics divided. That drove the nation into hostile camps-“them” and “us”. I shall leave the how and wherefores in order not to undershoot lame my purpose; (ii) confrontational; (iii) strove to keep democracy, albeit leaving judgment to generations unborn; and (iv) neither thoroughly abreast with, really au fait with the state of the economy; nor the extent of the enormity of jobs to be done—reconstruct or initiate a continuation or resort to new direction and indeed renovate to move on development. All hinge on the economy, essentially.
Incidentally, NPP’s hopeful Presidential candidate Dr Bawumia was recently reported to have said he had studied the economy and would right it, if elected. [Critics retort ‘it’s belated’, questioning his moral turpitude. The reason they offer is that he had been the Chief Manager of the economy for the upcoming and constitutionally erstwhile administration for two straight terms—eight years and he is staking to succeed. But he had also been earlier reported characterises himself as a “Driver’s mate”, media-quoted and undisputed yet. That ostensibly means throughout the period of the underperformed economy, his critics argue. Interpretively to wit, this could be damaging.
But beyond that logic, there is an unknown substantive which is the talisman and the rival party the NDC equally claim. It reminds me of the British situation mid-60t to 1972 after the three- day work week, a record, following the “Garbage Strike”, Arthur Scargill and the Unions versus Conservative ruled Prime Minister Edward Heath as Labour’s Leader Harold Wilson resonate the similar claims. Britain was in economic crisis just as us, though their economy is larger than ours. So there was case for both to succinctly clear up what’s new. All the contesting political parties were daily updating the press alongside their door- steps canvassing. I asked both leaders to name their new panacea, same morning to dissect the differences between them. We don’t do that here and wonder if it’s not time for that audit.
Brits were eager for reliefs, immediate, short term and ultimately. Polls were imminent and either Labour or Conservatives, could win. There had been two truncated governments since Labour won Oct. 15 1964 and 1966, the economy the salient compeller. Both men answered deftly, directly ducked—Heath with plethora of political platitudes; and Wilson appeared given the opportunity to dazzle with drowning you with a peroration of statistics. He had held the record then of becoming President of the then British Board of Trade at 31. Later years elections had the economy at the centre.
It might be correct to presume by observation that one universal disease of politicians would be not learning the lessons of the past, especially after ballots and whether triumphed or lost, repeat the same fundamental errors, oblivious of developing problems-pile– research is closed or discarded especially soonest after power is won and despite advice or warnings about pitfalls and the new Chap’s mistakes trending to crash. Politicians globally appear to blind themselves about the new requirements: that their countries want better politics and home-grown solutions— it’s about reforming with better economic performances, personal feel safe, openness and not side-stepping responsibility, not trample culture but put ‘’kpodzidzo’’ [peace] generally.
But with fairness hindsight, the public at large shall next be charged—aloofness ater voting. The verdict is encouragement to take full blame for complacency. Or to enlarge it, failure to show any interest, once voting is ended and a government is in saddle. That arms-folding has contributed to the any country’s delinquency– not getting things righted, because governments just don’t have to pretend to listen but react correcting if appropriate after deferment to citizens’ feel, an old quid pro quo in successful governance.
The fiddler is that governments may feel they had paid themselves in and the people don’t have any right to complain. I think the counter has a point, but only just, because both sides know it is unacceptable. Most of what goes wrong is a held notion but erroneous attitude that political debts are paid in perpetuity reciprocally.
A flip side rests within the archaic bosom of a residue of colonialism. In spite of all, after decades of independence, our couldn’t-care attitude, has run past pathological. Example: Colonialism like culture made our people absolutely dependent on the Ruler for everything. It was and remains a great trust. But its “kotaaa” [absolute] — no interest has proven harmful as was found unsafe and finally engineered a formal but a disguised-protest-pursuit by ARPS, UGCC for the country to be part of formulating laws and orders from White Hall in London and finally Nkrumah’s CPP-led for the country to be independent 6 Mar. 1957.
Of course, the dominoes changed since to urge the country to take charge, stick peeps in to keep the elected rulers aware that the people are watching, waiting to shout genuine displeasure for corrective attention before a government ditches itself and country—seek external advice and commit to consult on the quiet even with political opponents as an imperative. Colonialism taught it differently talking with only your opponents, what was called ‘’Country Opposition’’. It’s partly intractable repercussion is what has left a creature that preaches: regard the others as ‘’enemies’.’
Expressed better in CPP parlance “Saboteurs”. The spiralling belief was the British government was secretly encouraging local Big Politicos, known as Dissidents to be cantankerous, pointing as evidence, ‘by lined’ publications of anti-independence Letters in then considered British Establishment Newspapers [The Times of London and the Daily Telegraph]. And private correspondence with influential Esquires. And the alleged negative video of Finance Minister Gbedemah to meet US President John F. Kennedy for assistance towards Nkrumah’s preference over the Soviet Union’s offer for free, it was said.
The Soviets had then completed Egypt’s Aswan Dam. The US obliged only 15 per cent of the requested assistance towards Ghana’s Volta River Project. That occurred, on or just before Republican Senator Dodd was reportedly recruited, attributed to the home Opposition to launch briefed efforts to deny Ghana any help at all. But Kennedy had given the 15 per cent –“few chips on a Dark Horse” was against the rejection of Kennedy’s younger brother and powerful Attorney General Robert Kennedy.
In summary, I am contending that the people constantly withhold a bounding obligation to force being heard, let governments and particularly parliament sit up. It is fair and not a late call in as much as I have previously skirted above the requirements of them, chosen to govern and now for the people and country to reciprocate
By Prof Nana Essilfie-Conduah.